The national census does NOT recognise ______ groups within India.

Select the most appropriate option to fill in the blank.

My teacher asked me to keep _____.

Direction: - In each question below is given a statement followed by two assumptions numbered I and II. An assumption is something supposed or taken for granted. You have to consider the statement and the following assumptions and decide which of the assumptions is implicit in the statement.
Given answer
 (a) If only assumption in implicit.
 (b) If only assumption II is implicit.
 (c) Either I or II is implicit.
 (d) If neither I nor II is implicit.
 (e) If both I and II are implicit. 

Statement: - “I have not received telephone bills for nine months in spite of several complaints”. A telephone customer ' s letter to the editor of a daily Assumptions:
 I. Every customer has a right to get bills regularly from the telephone company.
 II. The customer ' s complaints point to defect in the services which is expected to be corrected.

AB is a chord to a circle and PAT is the tangent to the circle at A. If ∠BAT=75° and ∠BAC=45° and C being a point on the circle, then ∠ABC is equal to

Tina drives 45 km towards East. turns right and drives 65 km. then turns left and drives 33 km. In which direction is she facing now? 

Read the following passage carefully and give the answer of following questions.

The cyber–world is ultimately ungovernable. This is alarming as well as convenient; sometimes, convenient because alarming. Some Indian politicians use this to great advantage. When there is an obvious failure in governance during a crisis they deflect attention from their own incompetence towards the ungovernable. So, having failed to prevent nervous citizens from fleeing their cities of work by assuring them of proper protection, some national leaders are now busy trying to prove to one another, and to panic-prone Indians, that a mischievous neighbour has been using the internet and social networking sites to spread dangerous rumours. And the Centre's automatic reaction is to start blocking these sites and begin elaborate and potentially endless negotiations with Google, Twitter and Facebook about access to information. If this is the official idea of prompt action at a time of crisis among communities, then Indians have more reason to fear their protectors than the nebulous mischief-makers of the cyber world. Wasting time gathering proof, blocking vaguely suspicious websites, hurling accusations across the border and worrying about bilateral relations are ways of keeping busy with inessentials because one does not quite known what to do about the essentials of a difficult situation. Besides, only a fifth of the 245 websites blocked by the Centre mention the people of the Northeast or the violence in Assam. And if a few morphed images and spurious texts can unsettle an entire nation, then there is something deeply wrong with the nation and with how it is being governed. This is what its leaders should be addressing immediately, rather than making a wrongheaded display of their powers of censorship.
 It is just as absurd, and part of the same syndrome, to try to ban Twitter accounts that parody despatches from the Prime Minister's Office. To describe such forms of humour and dissent as "misrepresenting" the PMO–as if Twitter would take these parodies for genuine despatches from the PMO — makes the PMO look more ridiculous than its parodists manage to. With the precedent for such action set recently by the chief minister of West Bengal, this is yet another proof that what Bengal thinks today India will think tomorrow. Using the cyber–world for flexing the wrong muscles is essentially not funny. It might even prove to be quite dangerously distracting.

The author’s seriousness regarding the situation can best be described in the following sentences, Pick the odd one out.